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There are so many companies that are competing in the market that is why they are creating different ways on how to attract customers to avail their products that is why some of them offer their products in very lower prices, very affordable prices that many of us can avail. But the problem with those affordable products is that the quality is not good. That is why some of us still prefer to buy expensive product just to make sure of its quality. Like in the medicines that we need to cure sick and to cure our diseases, there are so many medicines that are available in very affordable prices. But some of them are not really on god quality, sometimes those are expired medicines. But there are also stores that we can buy very affordable medicines but we can assure of its quality, like those generic medicines store, they are also in the internet, they can give us effective drugs but still affordable. So now we can buy our Atorvastatin, Celebrex and Finasteride in those generic medicines on-line stores, very affordable yet effective medicines for us.
They can learn
December 22nd, 2010
One of the major activities through which babies learn and baby education as they understand about themselves and the world in general is- Play. It is a very important part of childhood. It is not only about fun but equally about sensory-motor development and increase in awareness. Children usually have an inborn tendency when it comes to play. A baby till three-five months of age is quite happy just by looking at bright colors of baby toys and Babies TV. Play for a baby under 1 year of age is usually about absorbing the sights and sounds around her. Therefore a simple baby toy like a cell phone or a bright colored toy hung over her cradle would make the perfect plaything. However there are some baby toys which should not be introduced. The list is long, but to give a basic idea- toys from baby u which are breakable, detachable, dolls with synthetic hair should be kept away as some of the detachable parts or the synthetic hair could end up in your baby’s mouth and choke her.
The interview—the method of asking—has a long and noble history. As clinicians, it is our basic tool. It also has advantages for the interviewee. “How do people benefit from being interviewed?” asks psychologist Nevitt Sanford. “They have a chance to say things for which there had not previously been an appropriate audience. They can put into words some ideas and thoughts that had been only vaguely formulated. When these are met with attention and interest, self-esteem rises. People who are interviewed have a chance to reflect on their lives, to take stock, to think out loud about alternatives ii
Having chosen our method, the major issue still remained: which leaders would we choose and why? Someone once asked Margaret Mead why she had chosen the tribe she did. She replied that it was the first one she came to. In a certain sense, we did the same. We sought leaders of established major American business organizations—not the temporary projects of Silicon Valley, which do not yet have traditions, characteristic practices, or well-defined structures. Such established businesses, after all, have come to be models of work organizations that employ large populations and make major capital expenditures. Their practices are emulated by other companies. In that sense, their leaders are indeed significant leaders.
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It is one thing to want to learn about the behavior of leaders and another to go about documenting that behavior. We had several choices. The first and most obvious one was to follow executives around and take notes on their behavior, a method that ha. been widely used at lower levels. But this approach didn’t hold much promise because, unlike studies at lower levels where people remain essentially within a plant or within a limited territory, top leaders go everywhere. Their work takes them literally around the world and into such a range of activity that to document their varied behavior one would have to be with them every moment for a long period of time. Those requirements precluded firsthand observation as a method, although we could have the advantage of observation in our visits to their work settings and our time with them and their colleagues.
We might have approached the problem from a historical point of view, but that would produce history and not the data of observation. Much of what has been written about these executives and their companies is contemporary history. Finally, we could take advantage of the fact that there are some who have observed each of these leaders over an extended period of time during their close work association and so could tell us about how they did what they did. Those observations would complement our interviews with the leaders themselves. We chose that method.
It is a curious fact that those who are at the top of their classes, whether in military academies or business schools, do not necessarily become the most successful leaders or the most competent practitioners of leadership. What is it, then, that enables some to rise to the top and, even more important, build structure and inculcate values that make them leaders rather than administrators? Is it enough to be in the right place at the right time, as some of our subjects have been? Obvi
ously not. It is one thing to be in place, it is another to lead successfully. Clearly, personality factors are crucial. Many top-ranked management and military students are good analysts of theoretical problems but cannot translate ideas into action; or they cannot take charge, inspire followers, or gain the respect and trust of superiors that enables them to be promoted. It has been said that Churchill’s words coming from Chamberlain would hardly have had the same effect. Some manage to get to high positions by manipulative skill, only to be found wanting in crisis. Our definition of “successful” must take account of how leaders manage the ups and downs to sustain organizational perpetuation. Finally, we thought the contemporary literature too glib and prescriptive. We felt it important to spell out in detail the behavior of leaders who were truly leaders by anyone’s criteria.
Living of life can be regarded as the sum of uniquely human opportunities to flourish and fail, lead and follow, be emotionally up and down, sick and healthy, etc., in consequence of interactions occurring within particular kinds of surround. Living transforms the surrounds in positive and/or negative ways. It has been often said that humans are a part of whatever the surround is and not apart from it. Witness the havoc that has been visited on cod populations off the east coast of Canada by over-fishing. A once magnificent biological resource is no more. The living of life must be based not only on responsible communications at the human-to-human level but at the human-nonhuman interface as well.
The individual’s living of life is expressed in both cognitive and behavioral engagements that draw upon internal resources that we call “The Psycho-Biologic Agenda.” The Agenda is conceived to be a general operative system having four levels of humanness. These are
a) genetic inheritance,
b) cultural identification/background,
c) personal experience, and
d) universal knowledge.
Perhaps the first three are more obvious than the last, Universal knowledge refers to beliefs that are accepted by overwhelming numbers of humans everywhere. Examples of universal knowledge would be the belief in logic-mathematical commutative properties: A always equals A; when A is greater than B, B is less than A; when A is greater than B and B is greater than C, A is greater than C. Other examples are physical science’s conceptions of the material world; physiological descriptions of organic structure/function; existence of sensory limitations; reality of family structure; evolutionary development of species, and so forth.
We need to recognize the staggering overlap in human agendas. In the same breath, we need to recognize that the agenda of each individual is entirely original, produced by the immensely intricate differences of human populations, which shift continually over time in response to circumstance. The agenda would represent the human being within the framework of an integrated understanding of the social sciences.
Life as lived takes the character of the surround into account, The surround varies in physical, social, and psychological ways. Other humans and social things are the dominant features encountered in most surrounds. Thus, interface with arctic and temperate climatic surrounds challenge living of life in vastly different ways. Communicating with a stranger in a riotous surround forms an interface distinct from communicating with a stranger over a cell phone. Visual symbols of hazard, prospect, and refuge identified by Jay Appleton in The Experience of Lawiscape seem to function by situation. Individual encounter of symbols of hazard in paintings hanging on the wall of a museum of art is not the same as encountering hazards in the teeth of Hurricane Katrina, August 29, 2005.
If we are to try to understand leadership style, we have several options. One is to classify it, as do most research studies on leadership. We can do that by using labels: autocratic, democratic, laissez-faire.2 Or characterizations: the craftsman, the jungle fighter, the company man, the games man.3 Or by placing the leadership style on axes: person- oriented versus production-oriented.4 Or by differentiating the achievement-oriented from the power-oriented or the affiliation-oriented. 5 Or we can characterize their temperaments: intuitive versus analytical. Another way is to try to measure leadership style after defining the traits, qualities, skills, or behaviors that characterize it. We might speak of Theory X and Theory y,8 System 47 or Model II. Finally, we can assess outcome: what did the leader achieve—in dollars, growth of organization, profitability, return on investment, innovation—the end rather than the means.
Characterizations of this kind are descriptive generalizations about modal behavior. The rubrics are drawn from group averages. We may recognize the broad outlines of specific people, or even their reflections or shadows, but never the people themselves. The generalization, by definition, is never detailed enough to fully describe how an individual actually behaved over time. In effect, it is a gross slice of a group. It cannot tell us much about the how or the why of leadership, nor about the application of a given style, by a given person, to a given situation. Only now and then, through an occasional paragraph, do we get a glimpse of a person acting, a view of the how, of the means rather than the end.
Contemporary management literature argues that a fundamental function of a leader is to create meaning for his followers that will facilitate their commitment and identification. As sociologists Trudy Heller and Jon Van Til put it, “Certain individuals emerge as leaders because of their role in framing experience in a way that provides a viable basis for action, e. g., by mobilizing meaning, articulating and defining what has previously remained implicit or unsaid, by inventing images and meanings that provide a focus for new attention, and by consolidating, confronting or changing prevailing wisdom.”9
Such works offer us anecdotal data, abstractions from those data, and theory built on abstractions. It is our contention that if we are to learn about leadership from leaders, we must examine a specific person in a specific context. Therefore, our crucial concern is with what the leader actually does, day by day, to build followers and knit them into an organization that can sustain them. The empirical research literature on leadership does not touch significant leaders. While there is much data on the behavior of managers, we have few concrete behavioral specifics about those leaders in top management responsible for building organizations. This is a very serious deficiency. For we have learned that when people are promoted on the basis of having achieved certain objectives, what they bring to their new roles is the continuity of their behavior rather than any particular past attainments. And the behavior that enabled them to achieve results in their earlier roles may or may not enable them to continue to achieve results in their new roles.
For all these reasons we felt it important to document actual business leadership behavior. This book is about the how of leadership. It speaks to how the chief executive of an established organization interacts with others, how he projects what kind of an image, how he uses others, and what he does through people to create a different social system with a structure, values, and a behavioral style that give rise to a modified organizational personality. To move toward that end, leaders evolve staffing patterns and modes of developing succession. They breathe new life into their organizations and give them new vision. We are therefore concerned with how they communicate their own personal views of what the organization should be and how they inculcate these personal views into those who follow and who become major components of their organizations. We are interested in how they communicate “who we are” as an organization and “what we are” as a cohesive, functional organizational system. We are interested in the interplay between the person as leader and the interactive organization that follows.
A recent survey of theory and research on leadership lists 5,000 references in nearly 900 pages. For all of that, editor Bernard M. Bass concludes, “It would be instructive to gather behavioral data on an identified current group of charismatic business, military, church, and government leaders nominated by their subordinates because of the strong emotional bonding that has been established between the leaders and their subordinates and because the subordinates credit the leader for their transformed need structure and goal attainments.”10 We report on just such a group.
In 1979 we began to study the behavior of six chief executive officers (CEOs) of major American corporations—General Electric Company, Citicorp, AMAX Inc., Monsanto Company, International Business Machines Corporation, and New York Times Company—to learn how such a leader accomplished his mission. How did he get done what he got done? How did he move a large established bureaucratic organization to sustain its adaptive mode?
We are a clinical psychologist and a psychiatrist who have been teachers, consultants, and students of organizations and leadership problems .—Levinson for thirty years, Rosenthal for thirteen; we are also involved in executive roles. We undertook this study for a number of reasons. Primary among them was our wish to keep learning about a field that is central to our work as professional consultants, teachers in schools of management and executive seminars, and writers about various executive and managerial problems. Although leaders operate in a multitude of ways, our hope was that we might elaborate certain common elements in practice, orientation, perception, and attitude that would help us understand more about organizational, particularly business, leadership. From extensive clinical and consulting experience we have long recognized the difficulties of changing organizations for even the most capable of executives. Therefore we also hoped to uncover those inhibiting factors that keep a leader from achieving what he has set out to achieve and how those limiting factors operate. Further, we were particularly interested in examining the degree of pressure that is created for people in these roles and how they handle that strain.